National consultants to present paper on the Conference “Law and Development: Legal Pluralism, Traditional Justice and the Role of Legal Actors in Eth
The concept of “Law and Development” is a paradigm in the study of law that articulates the role of law in a state’s development, particularly economic development. Law and development, as an interdisciplinary field, studies the intersection of economics, law and institutional practice. It can be taken as a powerful tool for problem-solving, which focuses on social problems and evaluates institutional reactions to them in terms of economic efficiency. To this end, a deep understanding of law and economics is crucial for a developing nation like Ethiopia, particularly at a time when the Country is following new policies and it’s considering new avenues of integrating itself with regional and international economic communities. However, much needs to be said as to what types of laws, what types of legal institutions, and what processes are most conducive to solving particular development problems, as the concept eludes not just the community but also most professionals within either the field of economics, law or development studies. In Ethiopia, a multi-ethnic and multi-national country, there are numerous ethnically-based legal systems. The customary regimes of the various ethnic groups, often consisting of unwritten norms, have been in operation for long governing the daily lives of the members mostly providing the only normative order that serves as the only means to preserve peace, justice, and social harmony in and among communities. Apart from these non- state (alias ‘customary’) laws, there are also religious laws in operation (Judeo-Christian—Fetha Negast, Islamic-Sharia, or Traditional). The formal modern legal system, most of the corpus of which was introduced into Ethiopia in the middle of the twentieth century, is superimposed on these customary and religious laws that form the sub-text of the legal system. The Ethiopian political elite of the 1960s, under the leadership of Emperor Haileselassie envisaged a new order and societal pattern and wanted to effect a complete break from the past. Some concepts like social change, legal “modernization”, development and others energized the whole process and hence between 1957 and 1965, six codes, most of which had a continental origin, were produced, through a grand codification process. Thus the penal code was promulgated in 1957 only to be followed by the civil code, commercial code, and maritime code of 1960; the code of criminal procedure of 1961; and the civil procedure code of 1965. The drafters and scholars involved in the ‘legal transplantation’ effort believed that Ethiopia does not have a law thereby necessitating legal modernization if development is to be realized. The modern law was thus presented as if filling what was conceived to be a legal vacuum. Although the modern law was formally ‘received, voluntarily’ by the modernizing emperor and the political elite of the times, in actual fact the modern law was imposed on the society whose life has hitherto been governed by the non-state laws. It was thus no accident that the Civil Code sweepingly repealed and replaced all other forms of laws (i.e., customary and religious laws) that preceded it. As a result, the ‘other’ laws (e.g. customary and religious law) came to be viewed as anachronistic to the times as they were perceived to be anti-thetical to modernity and progress. With the fall of the Imperial regime and declaration of socialism as the new state orthodoxy, the government’s policies focused on the idea of bringing the basic means of production (e.g. land) under the government’s control for the major purpose of mobilizing the natural, financial and human resources, so as to find a solution for the problem of extreme poverty. As to the legal system, the government inherited the codes ‘imported’ from developed western countries. It also inherited numerous other legislations in the form of proclamations, orders, decrees, legal notices enacted by the regime that precede it. For the large part, the codes were not enforced partly because they were not consistent with the socialist ideology promoted by the state (the codes protect private property regimes, freedom and privity of contract, etc while the reigning state ideology was preoccupied with nationalization and communalization of property) and partly because there was weak state and legal penetration into the rural areas. Consequently, the vast majority of the people sought order, peace, and justice from the non-state (mostly customary ad religious) laws that operated in and among their communities. The nationalization laws, with their lofty objectives of curing the economic and socio-political ills of the country, arrived on the scene having such a diverse normative and institutional framework as their background. One quickly notes that, in spite of the familiar professional (lawyers’) bias towards the idea that ours is one monolithic legal system, the modern ‘imported’ laws and the institutions established thereof did not succeed in constituting a single unified legal system. Legal diversity was a lived fact, if a denied norm. Customary and religious laws demonstrated resilience in the face of a sweeping repeal provision of the civil code. This fact of legal diversity, coupled with weak state-legal penetration and the consequent toleration of the ‘other’ laws constituted what scholars have recently called empirical (or de facto) legal pluralism, i.e., a legal pluralism that is outside of formal recognition and promotion of the existence of diverse legal orders operating alongside the state legal order. (This is often contrasted to formal or juridical legal pluralism which is marked by state recognition of and conscious promotion of legal diversity.) The Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE), decentralized the law making process, recognized customary and religious laws, and by so doing, laid down the framework for a formal legal pluralism. The right to be adjudged by one’s customary and religious laws before one’s customary or religious court came to be a right (and not a duty, of course). In addition, true to its commitment to federalism, the constitution has established a federal state structure where governmental powers are divided and shared between the federal government on the one hand and the governments of the nine constitutive units of the federation on the other. The type of federalism embraced by Ethiopia provides the setting for a formal legal pluralism (both internal—to the state law system—and external—between the state law system and the ‘other’ legal orders). This is particularly so owing to the multi-national nature of the federal setting with emphasis on ethno-cultural justice. Consequently, the legal system is also expected to recognize its multiple sources and multiple foundations in as much as the ethno-national groups and/or their members will have ‘the right to their own indigenous customary laws’ (as per art 39(3) cum art 78(5)). In spite of the fact that the formal legal pluralism seems to extend limited recognition (of customary and religious courts that have only consensual jurisdiction over family and personal matters only), the diverse customary law systems continue to play a central role in the legal life of the peoples of Ethiopia. The inability of the formal legal system to penetrate the "living laws of the peoples" (customary laws) of the country is regarded as the major reason for its inefficacy in some aspects and which creates a gap between the law in action and the law in codes. | |
Duties and Responsibilities | |
The Justice and Legal System Research Institute by its establishing proclamation is conferred with the mandate of undertaking legal reform studies and research activities with a view to strengthening and modernizing the justice and legal system, and build the capacity and improve the efficiency of organs in the administration of justice, with a particular emphasis on revising the laws of the country. This is, to see to it that the constitution is properly enforced, to ensure the prevalence of the rule of law, and to promote the economic and social development of the country. The UNDP, in its endeavor to promote development in Ethiopia, seeks to support efforts at examining the potentials and limits of law to steer development in the Ethiopian society. It also seeks to kindle and facilitate a national dialog (and conversation) on issues pertaining to rule of law, access to justice, and development in the context of legal pluralism permeated by the resilience of indigenous justice systems in the country. Hence, organizing this and a series of subsequent conferences with a national significance has the overall objective of identifying the factors that impact (negatively or positively) the development of the country thereby warranting reform. It is also hoped that the ideas that emerge from the papers to be presented in the conference will contribute to the strengthening of the constitutional order and a system of rule of law which is deemed necessary for the achievement of the development objectives of the justice system as broadly outlined in the Growth and Transformation Plan of Ethiopia. The conference will have the following specific objectives:
Individuals are required to submit their proposal from the contents listed below: Overview of Intended Paper Presentations and preview of the contents. The Law and Development Paradigm - This paper reflects on the law and development paradigm and tackles questions such as:
Historical Evolution of the Relation between Law and Development in Ethiopia This paper is hoped to shed light on the role of the law and development paradigm in the past and present of the Ethiopian legal system. It seeks to explore, among others:
Legal Pluralism in Ethiopia and Development - This paper discusses legal pluralism in relation to development. In particular, it examines:
Legal Pluralism: A Comparative African Perspective Legal pluralism has been viewed as a phenomenon that predominates the legal landscape of the post-colonial world. In Africa, it began to be an area of (legal-)anthropological inquiry since the time when at least two ‘types’ of laws applied to citizens (one for the white colonial settlers, and another for the black indigenous folks).inheriting the legacy of colonial dualism/pluralism of law, post-colonial African states continued to value legal pluralism as a fact of life. The external element further pluralized the legal system that is already horizontally plural. But the relation between the modern state law and indigenous laws took different forms in different countries with differing colonial legacies. Ethiopia, it is hoped, will do well to learn from the experiences of these diverse systems of managing legal pluralism. This paper tries to bring the diverse African experiences thereby offering a variety of options as to how best to handle legal diversity in a polity with a developmental agenda. The following topics will be covered:
Legal Pluralism in Ethiopia: an Empirical Study - This paper seeks to describe the phenomenon of legal pluralism in Ethiopia. Among other issues, it explores the following:
The Role of Legal Institutions and Professionals in Development With a view to exploring the potentials and the limits of legal institutions and legal professionals in development endeavors, this paper discusses the role that legal institutions and legal professionals should play in relation to situations where legal pluralism exists and customary law systems have been recognized and/or play a significant role in the lives of the majority. Gendered Justice and its Place in Development - In this paper, an attempt is made to reflect on the following questions:
Unregulating, Regulating, and/or Deregulating Labor in a Developmental State: Harnessing Labor Relations in Law for Development: Considering the fact that regulation, un-regulation, or deregulation of labor plays a significant place in the process of development, this paper explores the potentials (and limits) of labor/employment laws in enhancing development in the Ethiopian society.
Expected Outcome
Scope of work and other conditions
Deliverables A soft and hard copy of the document need to be delivered to the panel of reviewers fifteen days prior to the date of the Conference. Tentative schedule and venue of the Conference: The Conference will be conducted in Addis Ababa, for three (3) consecutive days and it’s tentatively scheduled to be staged during November 2011. | |
Competencies | |
Education:
Experience:
Language:
| |
Required Skills and Experience | |
DOCUMENTS TO BE INCLUDED WHEN SUBMITTING THE PROPOSAL I. Proposal: (not more than 450 words)
II. Financial proposal: indicate lump sum fee. III. Personal CV including past experience in similar projects and at least 3 references IV. Financial Proposal | |
UNDP is committed to achieving workforce diversity in terms of gender, nationality and culture. Individuals from minority groups, indigenous groups and persons with disabilities are equally encouraged to apply. All applications will be treated with the strictest confidence. |
No comments: